The use of the veto is a constant in Argentine democracy, even among governments with different ideological leanings
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After the scandalous illegal session promoted by Kirchnerism in the Senate, where laws with extremely high fiscal impact were approved without complying with constitutional or regulatory procedures, Javier Milei's government has already anticipated the next measures.
Before the laws were approved irregularly, officials clarified that all enacted initiatives will be vetoed and that they will turn to the courts to invalidate the session.
In this context, a constitutional tool so often used by previous presidents becomes fully relevant: the presidential veto, a mechanism provided for in Article 83 of the National Constitution as a safeguard against laws that undermine the general interest.
Javier Milei, presidente de Argentina.
President Javier Milei has already exercised this power on two occasions, but he is still far from the precedents set by his predecessors. Former Radical President Raúl Alfonsín vetoed 49 laws; Carlos Menem, 195; Fernando de la Rúa, 46; Néstor Kirchner, 36; Cristina Kirchner, 18; Mauricio Macri, 8; and Alberto Fernández, 12. In other words, the use of the veto has been a constant in Argentine democracy, even among governments of different ideological leanings.
Faced with the fiscal irresponsibility of Kirchnerism, which through its parliamentary maneuver seeks to promote an institutional coup by means of uncontrolled spending, destroying the fiscal surplus and thus conditioning the country's economic course, the veto is not only legitimate but necessary.
The restoration of the pension moratorium, the automatic increase of pensions, the emergency in disability, and the creation of discretionary funds for municipalities compromise more than 2.5 points of GDP, a direct blow to the heart of the zero-deficit program, which has caused a drastic reduction in inflation, poverty, and strong economic growth.
Javier Milei, presidente de Argentina.
Chief of Cabinet Guillermo Francos has already been clear: "If they send the laws, the Executive Branch will veto them and will also challenge their legitimacy in court." The combination of veto and judicial action will be the government's institutional response to contain the attempt at fiscal and political sabotage, executed through a session convened illegally and with insufficient quorum.
Milei's veto will not be a whim, but a republican obligation to preserve fiscal balance, the popular mandate, and the constitutional functioning of the Republic.
