Natalia de la Sota wants to convince the Córdoba electorate that she is not a Kirchnerist.

Natalia de la Sota wants to convince the Córdoba electorate that she is not a Kirchnerist.
Natalia de la Sota in her campaign bunker
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porEditorial Team
Argentina

His team insists on keeping their distance, but each hint resembles a K manual more than a local novelty

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Córdoba's political scene seems determined to repeat old tricks with new makeup, and Natalia de la Sota is trying to present herself as something she is not. The congresswoman claims that her banner is predictability in the face of Milei, but the provincial ruling party is already working to tailor a Kirchnerist suit for her. Amid cross-accusations and polls that everyone interprets to their own advantage, the game is set.

At El Panal, they are certain that the vote drain from the former Peronist alliance will be minimal, convinced that their nationalized campaign will bring them electoral gains. At Defendamos Córdoba, they claim that Natalia is growing without limits in the polls and that her projection has no ceiling, as if she were a political startup. The war of anachronistic narratives promises more froth than real substance.

The version changes as it suits them because some insist that she was invited to Schiaretti's list and others swear that such an offer never existed. The truth is that everyone is playing the same old trick: playing the victim when excluded and presenting themselves as rebels when left out. Ultimately, it is the old Peronist playbook recycled for the electoral consumption of an ever-shrinking voter base.

La diputada filokirchnerista hizo campaña para Massa en el 2023
La diputada filokirchnerista hizo campaña para Massa en el 2023

The blame game everyone rehearses during the campaign

De la Sota's team seeks to establish that they are the only consistent ones, since they voted against the Bases law and Milei's austerity measures. In that script, the congresswoman appears as the guardian of retired workers and people with disabilities while casting suspicion on Schiaretti and Llaryora. The problem is that that same epic, repeated in previous times, has already produced quite similar results.

The response to the Kirchnerist label was automatic because in Córdoba that word is an anathema that everyone uses against the rival of the moment. In their bunker, they assembled a catalog of other people's Kirchnerist records with recycled CFK ministers and old photos of allies who jumped to the provincial PJ. The archive as a political weapon never fails, especially considering Córdoba's anti-Kirchnerism, but it doesn't add votes either.

The greatest paradox is that while they point fingers at Kirchnerism, their proposals and speeches are too similar to those of that group. The congresswoman seeks a large state, to maintain subsidies, and to guarantee resistance to Milei, a script whose national outcome is already known. Thus, although she tries to differentiate herself from Kirchnerism, she ends up selling the same product with a different label.


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