The contracts were concentrated in governments where the former secretary had direct power: Tabasco, Segob, and the Senate
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A report by Latinus revealed that three companies linked to Adán Augusto López obtained contracts for more than 270 million pesos. The companies received direct awards in governments where he had influence: Tabasco, Segob, and the Senate.
Adán augusto en el punto de mira
The contracts were managed by Jorge Alberto Medina González, an official close to López Hernández, who has held key positions in all those institutions. The formula is simple and repeated: the politician arrives, the official is installed, and the companies appear.
Contracts without bidding and with repeated names
R.B. TEC México received contracts for up to 110 million pesos, while Medingenium was awarded around 95 million. Vidda Jireh, meanwhile, obtained another 65 million.
In all cases, these were direct assignments, without an open bidding process.
The three firms were contracted for supposed medical, technological, and public works services, although there is opacity in the execution details. In the case of Medingenium, it didn't even have a history in the field at the time of receiving the contracts.
The business circle of the Tabasco native
The investigation also recalled that Fernando Padilla Farfán, businessman and close friend of Adán Augusto, has received more than 2 billion pesos in contracts, mainly in Chiapas and Tabasco. His companies, such as FMedical and Línea Médica del Sur, have been favorites in awards during Morena's administration.
Poco a poco se va sabiendo la corrupcion del ex secretario
Also noteworthy is Bercale Services, linked to relatives of a collaborator of Adán Augusto, which received more than 1,181 million pesos from Sedena between 2023 and 2024. The pattern repeats.
A network that moves with power
More than the amounts, the pattern stands out: companies close to Adán Augusto follow his political career and obtain contracts where he has influence.
There are no investigations or official clarifications. The silence reinforces the idea of a network of interests protected by Morena's power, while austerity is preached and millions are distributed.
The case exposes how the discourse of "transformation" coexists with old-school practices, where friends of power are placed, bill, and disappear without accountability. It's not just corruption, it's continuity disguised as change.
In a country with understocked hospitals and precarious public servants, these contracts insult the citizenry. Selective austerity has become just another disguise to protect private businesses disguised as public policy.
