The Third Wave of "cultural socialism" in universities

The Third Wave of "cultural socialism" in universities
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Argentina

Universities no longer tolerate debates or dissent

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Recently, I read carefully the interview with Eric Kaufmann regarding his book “The Third Awokening” (Bombardier Books, 2024). I found it particularly useful and very interesting because it puts into historical perspective something that many of us continue to experience firsthand within institutions, particularly in universities: the capture of public spaces that should be for deliberation and respect for science, by a set of ideas that are presented as moral and inevitable, but function as a secular theology. In fact, it is practically forbidden to question them. Students fear the sanction of their progressive “teachers/priest” and the few dissenting teachers hide to survive censorship and cancellation.

Kaufmann calls this phenomenon “cultural socialism.” It is not a new trend, although its acceleration and deepening have notably increased in recent years. It is the third wave of the same impulse that has been present since the late sixties. Back then, there were already “affirmative action,” building occupations (Okupas), demands for racial quotas, the first cancellations, and the idea that certain canonical works were intrinsically racist, always according to the twisted taste of progressivism.

The Moynihan Report was censored. Second-wave feminism was already talking about patriarchy as a total structure. The sanctification of certain groups and the conversion of “emotional offense” into political sin were already operating, albeit still in a localized manner. Its radicalization and violence were already present.

The Moynihan Report, officially titled “The Negro Family: The Case For National Action,” was published in March 1965 by sociologist and U.S. Deputy Secretary of Labor, Daniel Patrick Moynihan. The document argued that the disintegration of the nuclear family in the African American community—marked by the lack of male employment and the increase of female-headed single-parent households—perpetuated a cycle of poverty, beyond the legal achievements in civil rights.

From political correctness to woke culture

What changed in the following decades was the scale. In the eighties and nineties, “political correctness” emerged, the attack on Western civilization became popular (“Western Civ has got to go,” “Hey, hey, ho, ho, Western civilization has to die!”) and race, gender, and sexual orientation consolidated as the three untouchable pillars.

“Woke,” at its core, is that: the transformation of the oppression myths of certain groups into sacred myths that aim to become the official identity of institutions and, in some cases, entire nations. And the heretics must disappear or live on the margins.

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Two distinct currents behind the same cultural transformation

What interests me most about Kaufmann's reading is the distinction he makes between two currents that are often confused. On one hand, there are critical theorists or cultural Marxists, who speak of hidden structures—patriarchy, white supremacy—that must be overthrown in a revolutionary manner. On the other hand, there is the dominant left liberalism of the 20th century, which does not propose revolution but rather permanent incremental change: always more diversity, always less of what they consider privileged, always more equality of outcomes.

This second liberalism has twisted classical concepts. Freedom of expression is no longer enough; “equality of opportunity to speak” is demanded, which justifies silencing some to empower others. That is not liberalism. It is a distortion, it is the easiest path to fascism.

When activist minorities dominate institutions

The result is a profound democratic problem. Large majorities reject racial quotas (in the case of the U.S.), gender prerogatives, and mandatory diversity statements, but these ideas dominate broad sectors of institutional elites.

There is a disconnect between the will of society and the cultural power of activist minorities that have managed to colonize universities, schools, public agencies, and cultural spaces.

This also impacts a relative “lack of patience” with governments that seek to restore balance in these institutions, which cannot always be done at the speed society demands, as the capture that institutions suffer requires a gradual recovery process to be effective.

This is not a secret conspiracy by a handful of enlightened individuals. It is something more real and more difficult to combat: the gradual accumulation of power by a worldview that presents itself as the only morally acceptable one. That logic is impermeable to evidence and hostile to genuine deliberation, accepting not the slightest dissent. When it settles in universities, it ceases to be an intellectual current and becomes a problem of power, of shaping new generations, and of national sovereignty.

How to recover institutions without replacing one dogma with another

The answer cannot be symmetrical. It is not about building a “woke right” nor abandoning neutrality as an ideal. The means can be political; the ends must remain those of an open institution: freedom of expression, meritocracy, balanced teaching of history, and loyalty to the truth above identity myths.

If we talk, for example, about slavery, equality, or identity, they must be situated in their real historical context, not become an anachronistic weapon of their militancies. Science above activism and the dogmas of identity movements.

The cultural battle in Argentine universities

In Argentine universities, we are closely familiar with other forms of capture: clientelism, party politicization, the defense of sectorial interests above academic quality and student training. The cultural socialism that Kaufmann describes is a more sophisticated variant of the same problem: the subordination of the institution to an ideology. Recovering ground is not a matter of aesthetics.

The cultural battle is not just rhetorical. What is at stake here is whether universities will be spaces for training or will definitively consolidate as indoctrination apparatuses. Will they serve the interests of the people or of an ideologized elite disconnected from the nation's destiny?

Kaufmann is right about something central: the main battlefield is in domestic culture, in schools, and in universities. Those of us who believe in real university autonomy, in rigor, and in the plurality of ideas cannot continue to cede ground for fear of accusations of “neoliberal” or “lack of sensitivity.” Institutional neutrality is not a naive position. It is the only one that allows deliberation to survive.

We will defend science by defending everyone's right to dissent. The plurality of ideas, respect and appreciation for differences, and scientific evidence as the only rule must once again be the only unquestionable thing.



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