They say in the 4T that the figure of Adán Augusto López Hernández has acquired an increasingly controversial weight within the structure of Morena. While it is true that his influence as president of the Senate's Political Coordination Board places him as one of the main political operators of the ruling party, it is also clear that his personal ambitions have exceeded the limits of institutionalism. The construction of his political project in various states—through support for local candidates, tours disguised as legislative activities, and the use of parallel structures financed with opaque resources—has raised alarms, even among members of Morena: who say they are tired of Andrea Chávez's histrionics, Adán Augusto's almost unlimited power, and Claudia Sheinbaum's lack of leadership.
The concerning issue is not only the intensity with which his political apparatus is deployed, but the origin and magnitude of the resources that sustain it. Businesspeople with very unclear trajectories and questionable backgrounds have been pointed out as part of the financing that allows him to operate in key states like Puebla, Veracruz, Campeche, Sonora, and his native Tabasco. This way of operating, although not new, has reached unprecedented levels of visibility, to the extent that even in the presidential environment it is acknowledged that "it has never been so evident."
